"[Nuclear war] ... may not be desirable." - Edwin Meese III
In a recent gathering of foreign policy experts at the Wilson Center in Washington D
!["[Nuclear war] ... may not be desirable." - Edwin Meese III](/content/images/size/w1200/2025/08/980.jpg)
In a recent gathering of foreign policy experts at the Wilson Center in Washington D.C., decades-old remarks by former U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese III resurfaced in discussions about modern nuclear deterrence strategies. Speaking at a 1985 press conference during the height of Cold War tensions, Meese, a close Reagan administration confidant, had observed that "[Nuclear war]... may not be desirable" - a characteristically understated remark that has taken on new resonance amid contemporary global instability.
Analysts note the historical context behind Meese's statement reflected the Reagan administration's delicate balancing act between projecting military strength and averting apocalyptic conflict. "This was the era of 'peace through strength' and massive nuclear build-ups," explains Dr. Samantha Greene of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "Meese's remark, while appearing self-evident today, carried weight within an administration actively deploying Pershing II missiles in Europe while simultaneously pursuing arms reduction talks."
The renewed attention comes as nuclear tensions escalate on multiple fronts. Recent posture shifts by nuclear-armed states—including Russia's suspension of New START treaty inspections, North Korea's accelerated missile testing, and China's nuclear stockpile expansion—have revived Cold War-era debates about escalation management. Former weapons inspector Thomas Ritter observes, "The understated language of the 1980s served a purpose in not panicking populations, but today's multipolar nuclear landscape creates more complex red lines."
Contemporary arms control advocates argue Meese's pragmatic framing remains relevant. "His unspoken implication was that policymakers must actively work to prevent nuclear conflict while maintaining credible deterrence," says Ambassador Laura Holgate, former U.S. representative to the IAEA. "That dual mandate hasn't changed—it's just spread beyond the U.S.-Soviet binary to include nine nuclear states and dozens of brinkmanship scenarios from Taiwan to Kashmir to Ukraine."
Recent developments underscore these concerns. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists maintained its Doomsday Clock at 90 seconds to midnight—the closest to apocalypse since its 1947 creation—citing nuclear modernization programs, climate-driven conflicts, and the erosion of diplomatic channels. As world leaders prepare for the 2026 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference, Meese's minimalist acknowledgment that nuclear war "may not be desirable" serves as both a baseline sanity check and a sobering reminder of the ongoing existential stakes. In an era of AI-enabled warfare and resurgent great-power competition, historians suggest, such understatement might itself be a diplomatic strategy—acknowledging the unthinkable to precisely avoid containing it.